By Mark Nichter
Spotting the importance of cultural facets within the perform of medication, this e-book areas a powerful emphasis at the social constitution, customs, and heritage of the indigenous inhabitants and its ramifications on healthiness care services. The ebook additionally considers the econo-cultural impacts at the manner drugs is practiced. via together with chapters that concentrate on health and wellbeing care's surprising creation as commodity and the microeconomic method of public investment for health and wellbeing care amenities, the Nichters discover a global during which funds and sufferers' expectancies play an ever expanding function within the approach well-being care is supplied.
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Extra resources for Anthropology and International Health: Asian Case Studies (Theory and Practice in Medical Anthropology and International Health, V. 3)
Notably, men’s and women’s contribution to procreation are differentially valued, with the male seed viewed as the sole source that creates a child and its identity. Also employed by āyurvedic practitioners are analogies associating a woman’s menstrual cycle to the movement of the sun and moon. Elsewhere in India, Marglin (1992) has found that a woman’s menstrual cycle is perceived to be analogous to the movement of the earth through the seasons. Marglin notes that a woman’s ritu, her embodied eternal cosmic rhythm, is poorly characterized by the English term “nature” (given its popular juxtaposition to “culture”) in as much as Hindu perceptions of propriety are based on the interplay of cosmic principles.
On the third day “the soil is soft, moist, and easily able to sprout fertile seed. ” According to the informant, a woman’s condition was less and less favorable for conception as her cycle progressed. After 15 or 16 days (from the onset of menstruation), conception became unlikely as the woman, like the field, became dry. ” A strong seed might root even under less opportune conditions. This idea was echoed in the advice offered by another āyurvedic practitioners to couples desiring progeny. The practitioner’s notion was that stronger, healthier seed would sprout seven to 12 days after the onset of menstruation whereas any seed might sprout four to six days after onset.
Some women reported up to 15 days of abstinence after onset. ” (1970:64) No indication is given by either Nag or Mandelbaum as to why the time period immediately following menstruation should be considered fertile, or what ramifications such a conceptualization might have on family planning practices. Indeed, it is not clear from the data presented by Mandelbaum as to why a formal prohibition on sexual relations exists during the most fertile time of the month. Is it related to ritual impurity, health concerns (for the woman or man), or perhaps to a deliberate, but unstated, 8 ANTHROPOLOGY AND INTERNATIONAL HEALTH practice of birth control?
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